The riots were caused in
the main by the poor harvests of 1829 and 1830
that raised the price of bread and increased
unemployment. Hardship amongst the families of
country labourers and their families was
especially bad during the winter months when many
were laid off by farmers, themselves going
through economic difficulties. Some authorities
had tried to reduce the level of poor relief,
which made up about 15 per cent of the income of
rural labourers.
The riots seemed to have
been a spontaneous outbreak for 'Captain Swing',
who was said to be the leader, but in fact was an
entirely mythical figure. The biggest
disturbances occurred where casual labour was
widely employed, and in some small towns where
craftsmen could provide leadership. The
objectives of the rioters were higher wages and
regular employment. Their main activity was
breaking farm machinery, especially threshing
machines, which deprived men of work in the
winter months. The rioters expected the justice
of their cause would receive wide public support.
Indeed some magistrates urged farmers to destroy
their machines and increase wages. Many farmers
either gave tacit support to their workmen, or
urged the parish vestry to improve the levels of
poor relief.
Berkshire magistrates
wrote to the government concerning distress
among the labourers of the county in early 1830.
Thomas Goodlake wrote to Robert Peel, then Home
Secretary, that 'there appeared to be an increase
in the number of petty crimes brought for trial'.
He attributed this to the 'Distress under which
Agriculture and Trade at this time Labour - and
the consequent want of employment of the
labouring classes'. He was also concerned about
the Parochial Allowances to Paupers,
'particularly to the unemployed Labourers during
the winter season; which is the most irksome duty
of a County Justice of the Peace - and I am sorry
to say they are now become very numerous in
almost every parish in the County - the present
mode of treating them leads to distress and
consequent despair to a total want of Industry in
some that are married and have Families - and to
petty thefts and other crimes as well as to Hasty
and improvident marriages in others'.1
Riot Notice
issued by John Walter Sheriff of Berkshire
Thatcham labourers began
to gather early in the morning of Monday 15th
November. After a number had gathered a horn was
sounded and they set off to visit the farms in
the area and persuade all the labourers to join
them. The select vestry was meeting that day and
by midday the labourers, now numbering between
two and three hundred, marched into the
churchyard. They'presented the gentlemen
assembled a verbal request that they might be
provided with work, and have their wages advanced.
'The men were quite peaceable, excepting forcing
some who felt no inclination to join them.'2
On the evening of the 17th
the labourers of Bradfield, Bucklebury and
Stanford Dingley assembled and marched from farm
to farm, destroying machines, demanding higher
wages and forcing others to join them. They met
up with the Thatcham labourers and machinery was
destroyed at the paper mill at Colthrop. They
arrived at Crookham House with the intention of
breaking machines belonging to Richard Tull. Here
they were met by a number who had been sworn in
as special constables and by Mr. Tull and his
labourers. The Riot Act was read by the Reverend
Mr. Cove. The mob refused to disperse and Mr.
Tull and his party seized the principal
ringleaders, who with eight or ten others were
taken to Reading Gaol.3
On the 20th labourers
from Speen, about a mile from Newbury, went round
the farms in the area to gather more supporters.
They went to the Vestry Room, where the select
vestry was meeting. Before their arrival the
vestry had already 'resolved that the wages
should be advanced from 9 shillings to lo
shillings per week to all able-bodied men whether
married or single and that there should be paid
to all married men having more than two children,
the price of a gallon loaf weekly, for each child
above that number, that this was the highest rate
that could be granted consistent with the present
prices of agricultural produce'.4
The magistrates at
Newbury together with a number of neighbouring
gentry and farmers formed a 'strong body of
horsemen'. They met the labourers near the Vestry
Room and 'commanded a parley with them'. The
Reverend Henry Majendic, Vicar of Speen, came out
and spoke to the labourers and told them of the
Vestry's decision to increase their wages. The
terms were accepted by the men. It was reported
that 'the conduct of the labourers was almost
without exception marked by forbearance and
civility, they only expressed a sense of the
sufferings and privations they had endured and
disavowed every intention of provoking riot or
disorder, they were assured on the part of the
Vestry that every attention should be paid to
their wants during the ensuing winter.'5
Unfortunately not every
demand for an increase in wages ended so
peacefully. This was certainly not the case in
the Kintbury and Hungerford area. Writing from
Speen on the 25th the Deputy Lieutenant tells us
how the disturbances began. 'The immediate origin
of the disturbances at Kintbury appears to have
been this: A vagrant went to the house of Mr.
Smith of Kintbury Holt asking relief which was
refused. For some cause not exactly known he was
committed to the Blind House in Kintbury, but was
twice liberated by the Mob and the man
ultimately escaped. Thus congregated and
excited the Mob proceeded to acts of Violence
destroying Machinery and at each respectable
House demanding money of the farmers who had
Machines, 2 sovereigns for every Machine. Amongst
others, of whom money was demanded, was the
Reverend Mr. Fowle who gave them £2 and some
beer.'6
During that evening and
the following morning the Kintbury mob went to
farms in Inkpen, Hampstead Marshall and West
Woodhay. Hungerford labourers gathered on the 22nd
and made the rounds of their farms destroying
machinery. When they returned to Hungerford they
found the Kintbury mob already there. Together
they numbered around 500 people, many armed with
hammers and bludgeons. John Willes, a County
magistrate, had been holding a meeting in
Hungerford Town Hall with the local MP and
several others. He met the Kintbury mob near
Denford Farm, the premises of Mr. Cherry. Mr.
Willes begged them not to go up to the house as
Mrs. Cherry was 'near her confinement, and he
apprehended serious consequences'. He invited
them to go to Hungerford where he would hear
their grievances.
When they arrived in the
town they broke the windows of Mr. Anning's house
and machinery and stock was destroyed at Richard
Gibbons' Iron Foundry. On arriving at the Town
Hall Mr. Willes invited them to select five men
from each party to go inside. William Oakley,
William Smith (alias Winterbourne), Daniel Bates
and Edmund Steel were four of those chosen to represent
the Kintbury mob.7
Joseph Atherton, who was
present at the Town Hall tells us that the
Hungerford men left 'perfectly satisfied with the
arrangements as to their advance of wages'. The
same could not be said of the Kintbury men. When
Mr. Atherton asked them what they wanted Oakley,
who acted as their spokesman, told him that
they'wanted 2 shillings a day till Lady Day, 2/6
afterwards and Tradesmen 3/6 and as they were
there they would have £5 or they would be damned
if they would not smash the place down with the
town altogether. Bates said, that was what they
wanted and have it they would, Oakley told Mr.
Pearse that he and the Gentlemen had been living
upon all the good things for the last ten years,
that they had suffered enough and that now was
their time, and that they would have it.'8
The men also demanded £5
and said that they would not leave the room
without it. Mr. Willes eventually handed over
five sovereigns and the men left. In his
evidence, given before the Special Commission, Mr.
Willes is reported to have said, 'I voluntarily
gave £5 after these transactions to the
Hungerford men and said as the ruffians had
extorted so much it was hard that the Hungerford
men who behaved so well in the Hall should not
have something'.9
Mr. Page reported that
the Kintbury mob spent their £5 in Hungerford
and the result was extreme rioting and
drunkenness, and the Bath and London coaches were
stopped, the panels and glasses broken and money
extorted from the passengers.' They then returned
to their villages. Mr. Page put the 'quieting' of
the Kintbury labourers down to the 'meritorious
exertions of Job Hanson a respectable Stonemason
of their place and what is called a district
preacher among the Wesleyan Methodists.'
According to Mr. Page Hanson even managed to
arrange a meet ing between the Kintbury men and
Mr. Fowle and 'a compromise was entered into,
that whatever was settled by the Magistrates for
the Hungerford labourers should be allowed to
them also.'10
After hearing this the
men agreed to return to work the following day.
Mr. Page's belief that peace had been restored to
the area by the evening of the 22nd proved to be
premature. When the labourers in some of the
parishes adjoining Kintbury heard of their
success they sent a deputation to Kintbury late
on the evening of the 22nd. Mr. Page tells us
that'the Kintbury men were induced to reassemble
on the following day and to proceed into those
parishes and accomplish there a similar work of
destruction to that which on the previous day
they had accomplished in their own.'11
As a result there was
rioting at Kintbury, West Woodhay, Enborne,
Welford, Boxford, West Shefford and Hampstead
Marshall on the 23rd. At Hampstead Marshall Mr.
Webb's threshing machine was broken and during
the night two more at Welford. Most of the
incidents reported in the area related to robbery.
At Enborne Anthony Heath was persuaded to hand
over one sovereign and Joseph Stanbrook and James
Franklin both handed over two sovereigns as did
John Hawkins of Welford, Thomas Langford of West
Shefford and widow Hannah Austin of Boxford. At
Hampstead Marshall Stephen Collier was relieved
of one sovereign, William Webb of two
shillings, while Lord Craven was made to pay £10.12
We know very little
about the part women played in the disturbances.
Very few of them appear in the indictments or on
the Gaol Calendars and of those that do the
charge was generally one of arson or sending
threatening letters. In a letter from Frederick
Page we learn how the women of Kintbury behaved
on the 22nd. They 'assembled and by threats
induced some of the shopkeepers to give them
provisions and a Travelling Tea Dealer to give
them a small quantity of Tea.'13
By the 25th around 300
special constables were sworn in at Hungerford
and the adjoining parishes and many of the
rioters were captured. William Westall and three
others were captured by Col. Dundas at The Red
Lion at Kintbury and a number of others were
caught at The Blue Ball, also at Kintbury. Mr.
Westall, writing from Hungerford reported on
the capture of Francis Norris: 'The Gentlemen on
Horseback have just brought in the Chief
Ringleader of the Parish of Kintbury of the name
of Frank Norris a Bricklayer, who they followed
for 5 hours and met with him at a new Beer Shop
at Aldbourne. 1 am in hopes our town will be
quiet in a day or two.'14 This does
indeed seem to have brought an end to the rioting
in the area.
There were two incidents
in the eastern part of the county. They occurred
at Waltham St. Lawrence and Binfield on the 20th
and 21st and were carried out by the same mob. At
Waltham St. Lawrence they told Martha Davies
that'they were forty sworn men come up out of
Kent; they were come up to drive the county
before them.' However, Mrs. Davies recognised
their leader as her neighbour Solomon Allen. They
broke the machine and left when they'had had as
much beer as they wanted. 'At Binfield they broke
a machine belonging to Richard Glasspool.15
The labourers of
Yattendon held a wages meeting early on the 21st.
They went round the farms in the area, pressing
others to join them, and trying to persuade the
farmers to increase their wages. They were given
money and beer by a number of farmers and 'one
was even impudent enough to order 40 quarts at
each of the two public houses in the parish.' One
of these public houses was The Compasses at Burnt
Hill Common. Some of the Yattendon men agreed to
meet up with the men from Ashampstead on the
following day. They left The Compasses at
midnight and'proceeded from thence immediately to
call up every poor man and boy in the Parish and
at the Houses of others demanding money of every
one whom they supposed able to give them anything
from 1/- to 5/- (their maximum) until towards
sunrise they went to the adjoining Parish of
Aldworth.' From there they went to Streatley and
in all three parishes machinery was broken and
money demanded. They ended back at The Compasses
at Yattendon where they stayed until night. From
there they went to Basildon where more machinery
was destroyed and money demanded. The soldiers
succeeded in capturing 11 of the ringleaders and
the rest quickly dispersed.16
By the 25th the
Government decided to appoint a Special
Commission to deal with the rioters in what they
considered to be the most troubled counties:
Hampshire, Wiltshire, Berkshire, Dorset and
Buckinghamshire. The Berkshire Commissioners, Sir
James Allan Park, Sir William Bolland and Sir
John Patteson, were met by the High Sheriff on
the 27th December. The Gaol Calendar contained
the names Of 138 prisoners. The majority, mainly
those charged with the more serious crimes, were
tried at Reading, the remainder at Abingdon. The
Court opened at nine o'clock on the 28th and
almost the whole day was taken up with the
offences committed by the 'Kintbury Mob'. Of the
18 men charged with various offences all but two:
William Haynes and Charles Smith were found
guilty.
The three Judges spent
their last day in Reading passing sentence. The
first two men sentenced were Thomas Dance and
Jacob Gater. They had been found guilty of riot:
Dance was imprisoned for 12 months and Gater for
nine months. Fairly light sentences, but if the
remaining prisoners were expecting something
similar they were soon disabused. The Judges seem
to have made a distinction between agricultural
labourers and craftsmen. John Aldridge and George
Whiting both had two indictments against them.
Aldridge was a blacksmith and was sentenced to
transportation for seven years, while Whiting,
a labourer, was imprisoned for 18 months. When
Mr. Justice Park sentenced Stephen Williams to 14
years transportation Williams is reported to have
'looked towards the bench in a reckless and
impudent manner and thanked his lordship'. Twenty
three prisoners had a sentence of death recorded
against them. The last men to be sentenced were
William Oakley, William Winterbourne and Alfred
Darling. Mr. Tomes read the convictions, the
crier called for silence and Mr. Justice Park
proceeded to pass a sentence of death on all
three men. 'You three prisoners have been
convicted of the offences named, and of more than
a single offence, which have forfeited your lives
to the laws of the country, and it is now our
duty to pronounce the awful sentence of death
upon you.'The Times reported that Winterbourne
and Darling wept while the sentence was being
passed, but 'Oakley appeared little if at all
affected; he shook his head, and on quitting the
dock spoke to a person standing at the table
near which he passed.'17
The three Judges then
went to Abingdon. The Calendar contained the
names of 47 prisoners and most were charged with
riot, robbery, assault and machine breaking. Of
those found guilty Thomas Mackrell was sentenced
to death, the rest were sentenced to various
terms of imprisonment.
The arrival of the New
Year 1831 brought little in the way of rejoicing
to hundreds of homes throughout southern England.
Families grieved for their menfolk, sons,
husbands and fathers had already been sentenced
to transportation, a sentence that would take
them to the other side of the world with little
chance of returning to England again. In the
condemned cells in Kent, Sussex and Hampshire men
awaited execution, while others were still
waiting in prison to be tried, knowing that they
too might suffer a similar fate.
Petitions were sent to
the King and the Home Office on behalf of the
prisoners. Isaac Burton, of Hampstead Marshall
was described by his petitioner as, 'a sober,
steady, civil, peaceable and industrious young
man. 'Three of Joseph Edney's previous employers
gave him a character reference. All three
described him as an 'honest, trusty and faithful
servant.' William Green gathered a number of
testimonials on behalf of his brother Charles.
All his former employers described him as 'an
honest, sober inoffensive man.' Elizabeth
Greenaway petitioned the Home Secretary on behalf
of her son Jason. She wrote that he had always
'borne an excellent character for sobriety,
diligence and peaceable behaviour, that he has
never (since he has been able to work) been out
of employ, and always appropriated a considerable
part of his wages towards the payment of his
mother's house rent.' She went on to say that if
he was transported she would be deprived of 'his
succour and assistance.' The vicar of Beenham
wrote to Lord Melbourne, the Home Secretary, on
behalf of Edward Harris. He wrote that Harris had
shown 'constant attention to the Duties of the
Sabbath.' He also wrote of 'his quiet, peaceable,
and steady conduct at other times, and his kind
and exemplary attentions to his mother, who from
her age will probably never see her son again
after his removal from this Country.' Those who
knew William Hawkins described him as 'honest,
sober' and 'wor-thy of credit.'Thomas Mackrell's
petitioner, Mr. J.R. Seymour, wrote that Mackrell
had worked 'as a common labourer, for the same
person for twenty years, he has ever been a most
kind husband, and a most indulgent Father to
seven children living, the youngest only a few
weeks old, his Father was in confinement, as a
lunatic, for several years, and a very small
portion of liquor has produced a very similar
effect on the mind of the son.'
Although the majority of
the letters written to the Home Office in early
1831 were in favour of the rioters by no means
all were. Mr. T.E. Williams, the Chaplain at
Reading Gaol, wrote to the Reverend Fowle, of
Kintbury, expressing his doubts 'respecting the
soundness of Oakley's religious professions'.
Oakley was planning his escape, 'even at the
expense of my life or the life of his keepers,
who might have been opposed to him.'
Three men, William
Oakley, Alfred Darling and William Winterbourne,
had been left for execution after the Berkshire
Special Commission. Oakley and Darling both had
their sentences commuted to transportation for
life. Winterbourne was executed at Reading on
January 11 and buried at Kintbury.
Most male convicts spent
some time in the prison hulks before they were
transported and the Berkshire rioters were no
exception. Two separate groups of Berkshire men
arrived on the hulk York at Gosport in January.
Their stay was to be short as four of them,
Daniel Bates, David Hawkins, Francis Norris and
Edmund Steel, sailed to Tasmania on board the
convict ship Eliza on February 6th. Of the
remaining 41 Berkshire men on the York 40 sailed
for New South Wales on board the convict ship
Eleanor on February igth. They were: John
Aldridge, Solomon Allen, George Arlett, Cornelius
Bennett, Luke Brown, James Burgess, Isaac Burton,
William Carter, Joseph Edney, Charles Green,
Jason Greenaway, Thomas Goodfellow, Daniel
Hancock, Thomas Hanson, Edward Harris, William
Hawkins, Thomas Hicks, John Horton, Charles
Horton, Thomas Mackrell, Timothy May, Charles
Milsom, John Nash, Joseph Nicholas, Robert Page,
William Page, Thomas Radbourn, William Sims,
James Simmonds, William Simmonds, Joseph Tuck,
Edmund Viccus, William Waving, James West,
William Westall, John Wheeler, George Williams
and Stephen Williams, One man was left on board
the York to serve out his sentence, Joseph Smith,
he died in January 1837.
References:
1 PRO HO52/6 f2
2 Reading Mercury 22nd November 1830
3 PRO HO52/6 f11
4 PRO HO52/6 ff12
5 PRO HO52/6 ff12-13
6 PRO HO52/6 f61
7 Berkshire Chronicle 1st January 1831
8 PRO TS11/849
9 Berkshire Chronicle 1st January 1831
10 PRO HO52/6 ff27-28
11 PRO HO52/ f62
12 PRO TS11/849
13 PRO HO52/6 f62
14 PRO HO52/6 f64
15 Berkshire Chronicle 1st January 1831
16 PRO TS11/849
17 Berkshire Chronicle 8th January 1831
18 The Times 5th January 1831
19 Berkshire Chronicle 15th January 1831
